Wasiirada arrimaha gudaha iyo Gaashaandhiga dowladda KMG Soomaaliya ayaa cambaareeyey weerarki isqarxinta ahaa ee shalay ka dhacay magaalada Muqdisho.
Wasiirka arrimaha gudaha Soomaaliya C/samad Macalin Maxamuud oo saakay ka warbixiyey qaraxi shalay ayaa sheegay in kooxihi ka danbeeyey ay laayeen dad masaakiin ah oo aanan waxba galabsan.
Mr Maxamuud ayaa tilmaamay in aanan la dhihi karin qaraxi shalay inuu ahaa mid muujinaya in amaanka caasimada uu noqday mid liicay balse ay qof ugu tala galay inuu is dilo aysan jirin cid celin karta ama ogaan karta.
“Lama dhihi karo nabad galyadi ayaa la sugi waayey marka uu qarax dhaco waayo qof baa naftiisa dilay, arinti maanta dhacday waa arin aad u xun oo naxdin leh waayo dad masaakiin ah ayaa la dilay oo aanan waxba galabsan, ciidamada amniga waxaan ugu baaqayaa in ay laba laabaan dadaalka,”
Shacabka ayuu ugu baaqay in ay muujiyaan feejignaan isaga oo intaasi ku daray in Al Shabaab ay beegsanayaan dadka rayidka ah.
“Waxaan u sheegayaa shacabka in ay ka digtoonadaan shacabka waayo waxa lala beegsadaa dadka masaakiinta ah, ragaan waa cadaw doonaya in ay baabi,iyaan mujtamaca oo dhan,” ayuu yiri.” ayuu yiri.
Dhanka kale wasiirka gaashaandhiga Soomaaliya Xuseen Carab Ciise ayaa ugu baaqay shacabka Soomaaliyeed in ay iska celiyaan Al Shabaab oo uu ku tilmaamay kooxo baneysatay dhiiga shacabka Soomaaliyeed.
Qaraxi shalay oo ka dhacay maqaayad u dhaw Hotelka Muna ee magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxa ku dhintay 11 ruux halka ay ku dhaawacmeen 15 kale.

Al-Shabaab ayaa ku goodisay inay sii wadi doonto weerarada qaraxyo ay ka geysaneyso magaalada Muqdisho, kadib markii shalay qarax loo adeegsaday gaari laga buuxiyay waxyaabaha qarxa uu ka dhacay Hotelka Muna maqaaxi ku taal.
Shiikh C/casiis Abuu Muscab ayaa sheegay in qaraxaas ay ka dambeeyeen, isagoo xusay inay la beegsanayeen ciidamada nabadsugida dowladda iyo xildhibaano ka tirsan baarlamaanka.
“Qaraxaas wuxuu u dhacay sidii loogu tala galay, mujaahidiinta ayaana u diyaariyay, qorshihii laga lahaa waa laga gaaray”ayuu yiri Abuu Muscab.
Sidoo kale Abuu Muscab ayaa sheegay inay sii wadayaan qaraxyada, isagoo tibaaxay in goobtii qaraxa ka dhacay ahaa meel ay fadhiisan jireen xildhibaanada iyo saraakiisha nabad sugida.
Qaraxii shalay ka dhacay Maqaaxida Fatxi ee Hotelka Muna ayaa waxaa ku dhintay ilaa 13-ruux oo dad rayid ahaa, iyadoo qaraxaas ahaa kii ugu xooganaa ee todobaadyadan ka dhaca Muqdisho.

Wasaarada caafimaadka dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa ka warbixisay qaraxii shalay ka dhacay Hotelka Muna, kaasoo dad badan ay ku geeriyoodeen, iyadoo wasaarada sheegtay inuu sii kordhay qasaaraha qaraxaas.
Wasiirka caafimaadka C/casiis Shiikh Yuusuf ayaa sheegay in ilaa 13-ruux ku dhinteen qaraxaas, isagoo xusay in qaar ka mid ah dhaawacyada qaraxa u dhinteen.
“Labo ruux oo dhaawacyadii Isbitaalada Madiina iyo Banaadir la geeyay ayaa ku dhintay, 10-horay ayay goobta ugu dhinteen qaraxii ay geysteen kooxihii nabad diidka ahaa”ayuu yiri Dr. C/casiis Shiikh Yuusuf.
Sidoo kale waxaa uu sheegay in wali socdaan baaritaan ku aadan dadka dhaawacyada qaba, isagoo xusay in loo fidiyay kaalmooyin caafimaad sida uu hadalka u dhigay.
Maamulka Isbitaalka Madiina ayaa sheegay in qaar ka mid ah dhaawacyada ay ku sameeyeen qaliino waa weyn, halka qaar kalena ay noqdeen dhaawacooda mid fudud.
Qaraxii shalay ka dhacay Hotelka Muna ee degmada Xamar weyne ayaa ahaa mid aad u xooganaa, iyadoo dadka ku dhintay ahaayeen dad rayid ah.

Fanaanka Caanka ah ee 50-Cent oo ayaa markii ugu horeeysay soo gaaray dalka Soomaaliya gaar ahaan degmada Dooloow Soomaaliya ee Gobolka Gedo halkaasi oo ay kusoo dhaweeyeen Mas’uuliyiin ka tirsan dowladda KMG ah iyo Saraakiisha Ciidamada dowladda.
Wafdi ka socday Hay’adda WFP ayuu soo raacay Fanaanka, waxaana uu degmadaasi kula kulmay dad ay saameyeen abaaraha baahsan ee ku dhufutay Koofurta iyo bartmaha Soomaaliya islamarkaana halkaasi ku gaaray qaab barakac.
50-Cent ayaa waxa uu gaaray goobaha wax lagu barto iyo Xarumo lagu quudiyo dadka barakacayaasha ah, isagoo tilmaamay in halkaasi uu ku arkay qoysas ku haysato xaalado nolol xumo oo uu sheegay inay isugu jiraan haween, Caruur iyo dad da’ah.
Fanaankaani caanka ah ayaa sheegay in gacan uu ka gaysan doono wax u qabashada dadka ku dhibaataysan Soomaaliya, isagoo xusay in booqashadaani ay u tahay tii ugu horeysay oo uu ku yimaado dalka Soomaaliya gaar ahaan degmada Dooloow oo ay gacanta ku hayso dowladda KMG ah.
Xerooyinka ku yaala degmada Dooloow waxaa ku jira qoysas badan oo u baahan in la gar-gaaro, waxaana xusid mudan in halkaasi ay gaareen Hay’ado badan oo Caalami ah islamarkaana wali la tacaalaya wax u qabashada qoysaska ku dhibaataysan halkaasi.
Ugu danbeyn Fananka aya waxaa uu balanqaday in uu qayb weyn ka qadan doono Ugar gaarida dadka ay Abaruhu sameyeen ee Gobolka Gedo ku sugan .

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 

 
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Saddex hablood oo walaalo ah oo ku nool xaafad yar oo u dhaw magaalada Pune oo ku taal badhtamaha dalka Hindiya ayey timo xooggan ka soo baxeen jidhkooda, isla markaana yeeshay gadhka ragga oo kale, kuwaasi oo u eekaaday xawayaanka yeyda la yidhaahdo.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Haweenkan walaalaha ah oo sida la sheegay calaamadahan ka dhaxlay aabbahood oo uu ku dhacay  cudur la yidhaa Hypertrichosis (Worewolf Syndrome), ayaa halgan kula jira waqtigan sidii ay xaaladooda ugu xakamayn lahaayeen kiriimo, iyaga oo tilmaamay inay rajaynayaan inay helaan daawayn iyo qalab lagaga daaweeyo xannuunkan ku sababay in wejiga gebi ahaan timo ka soo baxaan.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Saddexda walaalaha oo la kala yidhaa Savita oo 23 jir ah, Monisha oo 18 jir ah iyo Savitri Sangli oo 16 jir ah, ayaa ku hamiyaaya siday u heli lahaayeen saygii nolosha la qaybsan lahaa, balse waxa uu walaacweyn ka haystaa cudurkan la soo daresay ee muuqaalka Yeyda u eekaysiiyey.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Xannuunkan hablaha aadka u da’da yar la soo darisay oo la yidhaa Hypertrichosis universalis, ayaa ah nooc dhaxal la isugu gudbiyo oo jidhka dadka ku dhaca, kaas oo unugyada jidhka ee ka masuulka ah koritaanka timaha amma soo saaristooda ay ka soo saraan timaha meelo aan loogu tallagalin, sida wejiga, xiiribaha iyo meelo kale oo aan lagu aqoon inay timuhu ka soo baxaan. Waxay saddexdan hablood timaha jidhkooda ka soo baxa ay yihiin qaar ka baxsan sidii caadiga ahayd, waxaanay buux dhaafiyeen wejiga iyo sunnayaasha, sanka, kuwaas oo gadh ahaan haweenka lagu aqoon sidoo kale ka soo baxay.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Hooyada gabdhahan oo la yidhaa Anita Sambhaji Raut, ayaa dhashay lix hablood oo saddex ka mid ahi xannuunkan u ekaysiiyey yeyda uu haleelay. Waxaanay haweenkan ka dhaxleen amma dhaxal ahaan ugu soo gudbiyey xannunkan aabbahood, kaas oo Anita lagu qasbay inay guursato iyada oo 12 jir ah, sababta oo ah Hindida oo isa siisa haweenka iyaga oo aad u da’ yar, waxbana kalamay soocon cudurka haya ninkan loo guuriyey, sababta oo ah ilaa intii xafladooda aroosku ka dhacaysay indha ismay saarin.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Inanta ugu weyn qoyskan oo la yidhaadho Savita, isla markaana guur-doon ah, ayaa marka timahu ka soo baxaan wejiga waxay hooyadeed ku qarisaa guriga, iyadoo u dirta hawsha aqalka, waxayna haweenkani rajaynayaan in qalliin laysar ah lagu sameeyo, waxaannu  qiimaha qalliinkoodu ku baxayaa gaadhayaa 350,000 lacagta Hindida ah ee loo yaqaan Rubiga oo u dhiganta £4,500 lacagta Ingiriiska ah, balse qoyskani ma awoodaan inay qiimahaas iska bixiyaan, sababo la xidhiidha xaaladooda nolol maalmeed ahaaneed oo liidata.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Savita oo ah inanta ugu weyn, isla markaana waqtigan isticmaasha kiriimo si ay ugu xakamayso timaha wejiga ka soo baxay, ayaa tidhi; “Markaan damco inaan tego iskuulka inamada iyo hambaluhu way igu oorin jireen, waxaanay i odhan jireen, bal wejigeeda fool xumida eega, ha ag fadhiisanina, wa sidaas siday ila dhaqmi jireen.
text-align:justify;line-height:normal;">Guurku noomaba qorshaysna, sababta oo ah maba dhici karto, kuma doonaya inuu na guursado, marka timahu wejigayada ka soo baxaan.”
 
Togdheernews.com

UNHCR ayaa sheegtay in 11 qof ay dhinteen 34 kalena la la'yahay kaddib markii dooni ay saarnaayeen ay kula dagtay badda gacanka Cadmeed.

Barnaamijka Faaqidaaddu wuxuu toddobaadkan ku saabsan yahay shirka caalamiga ah ee bishan ka dhici doona magaalada London iyo waxyaabaha la filayo inay ka soo baxaan.

Barnaamijka oo dhameysitiran qeybta hoose ka dhageyso.

Muqdisho-hobyonet)Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Soomaaliya Dr. Cabdiweli Maxamed Cali oo ay wehlinayaan xubno ka tirsan golaha Wasiirada ayaa saaka booqday dhaawacyada ku jira Isbitaal Madiino kuwaasoo ku waxyeeloobay Qaraxii ka dhacay labo cisho ka hor Baar Fatxi.
Wasiirada ku wehliyay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha booqashadiisa ayaa waxaa ka mid ahaa Wasiirka Caafimaadka Dr. C/casiis Sheekh Yuusuf, Wasiirka Warfaafinta Mudane Cabdulqaadir Maxamed Jaahweyn, Wasiiru Dowlaha Xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Dr. Cali Nuur Ducaale, Wasiir kuxigeenka Shaqada iyo Shaqaalaha Mudane Daahir Xaaji Geelle iyaga oo mid mid u kormeeray dhaawacyada ku jira qeybaha kala duwan ee Isbitaalka.
Ra’iisul Wasaare Dr. Cabdiweli Maxamed Cali oo arkay dhaawacyada qaar ayaa aad ula yaabay sida ay dadku u gubteen wuxuuna ku tilmaamay arrin musiibo ah oo mudan in la cambaareeyo talaabona laga qaado dhagar qabayaasha falkan kula kacay shacabka aan waxba galabsan ee Soomaaliyeed.
“Runtii arrintani waa musiibo, kuwa dhibaatadan u geystay shacabkaana Insha allaahu wey ku naartegayaan” ayuu yiri Ra’iisul Wasaaraha oo si gaar ah ugu mahadceliyay dhaqaatiirta Isbitaal Madiino uu uu ugu horeeyo Dr. Maxamed Yuusuf oo uu sheegay in shacabkan dhaawacmay ay u fidiyeen gargaar deg deg ah.
Sidoo kale, Ra’iisul Wasaaraha ayaa cambaareeyey kooxda khawaarijta ah ee Al shaaab oo iyadu ku faantay falkan waxash-nimada ah isla markaana sheegatay, wuxuuna ku tilmaamay koox dhiigyo cabyo ah, wuxuuna shacabka Soomaaliyeed uga digay inay guryahooda ka soo maleegaan falalka noocan oo kale ah ama ay gacan siiyaan kooxdaan.
“Kooxdan insha allah dhowaan waa laga cirib tirayaa dalka, laakiin shacabka Soomaaliyeed waa inay nagu garab ciidamada Amnigana ay la shaqeeyaan, sababtoo ah qof dhuumanaya oo hadana naftiisa haligaya waa Qatar, waase laga hortegi karaa haddii shacabka iyo ciidamada Amnigu wada shaqeeyaan” ayuu mar kale yiri Ra’iisul Wasaare Gaas oo ugu dambeyntiina u duceeyey in dadkii dhintay iyo kuwa dhaawaca ah Alle bogsiiyo dowladda Soomaaliyeedna ay wixii karaankeeda ah garab siin doonto dadkan dhaawaca ah.

Aqalka cusub ee Midowga Afrika

Aqalka cusub ee Midowga Afrika

La tashiga beesha Soomaalida UK

La tashiga beesha Soomaalida UK

Dowladda UK ayaa talo weydiisatay Soomaalida Britain. Chatham House ayaa lagu qabtay.

Dowladda UK ayaa talo weydiisatay Soomaalida Britain. Chatham House ayaa lagu qabtay.

Wararka ka imaanaya Magaalada Nairobi ayaa sheegaya in Safiirka Soomaaliya u fadhiya dalka Kenya. Amb. Maxamed Cali Nuur Ameeriko ayaa galabta ku dhaawacmay shil baabuur bartamaha Magaalada Nairobi
Amb. Ameeriko ayaa la dhigay Isbitaalka Nairobi Hospital, halkaas oo xaaladiisa caafimaad lagula tacaalayo.
Wararka ayaa sheegaya in gaarigiisa uu shil ku galay wadada hor marta Xarunta Madaxtooyada, halkaasoo ah wado aad u mashquul badan, iyadoo gaarigiisa uu bur bur xoogan uu soo gaaray.
Ilo wareedyo ku sugan Nairobi ayaa sheegaya in lugta midig dhaawac culus ka soo gaaray, inkastoo aanay sidaa u buurneyn dhaawacyo kale oo ka muuqday qaarka kale ee jirkiisa.
Wararka ayaa intaa ku daraya in lugta midig ay tahay mid jabay, taasoo suura gal ka dhigi karta in qaliin lagu sameeyo.

Amb. Ameeriko ayaa markii isbitaalka la dhigay waxaa ku booqday siyaasiyiin iyo dad kale oo caan ah, oo ka war helay dhaawaca ka soo gaaray shilkii gaari ee galabta.
Wariyeyaal ku sugan Magaalada Nairobi ayaa soo sheegaya in dhaawaca Amb. Ameerika ay qaadan karto maalmo inuu Isbitaalka ku jiro, marka loo eego dhaawiciisa iyo habka dhaqaatiirta ula tacaalayaan xilligan.
Isbitaalka la dhigay ee Nairobi Hospital ayaa ka mid ah Isbitaalada ugu waa weyn dalka Kenya, halkaasoo horay loogu daaweeyay Madaxweynaha Kenya Mwai Kibaki mar uu xanuunsaday.

Boosaaso[RBC Radio] Machadka Puntland Health Promotion and Edication Centar  ayaa maanta Imtixaan u bilaabay Ardey dhamaysatay Koorsooyinka Xisaabta 1-2,kuwaas oo isugu jira Wiilal iyo gabdho tiro ahaan gaarayey 45.
Maamulaha Machadka Puntland Health Promotion and Edication Centar Ayuub Mahad Aadan oo RBC Radio Xafiiskiisa Boosaaso ugu waramay ayaa Faah-faahin ka bixiyey Imtixaanka maanta Areyda u fariisatay iyo xiligii la asaasay Machadka.
…..: Haddii aa ugu horeyn kaga Warbixiyo xiliga la asaasay Machadka ayaa waxaa dhidibada loo taagay bishii Dicember 2006,waxaana ka qalan jebiyey ilaa 9-dufcadood oo Ardey isgu jirta qeybaha Caafimaadka,Engilsh,Xisaabta iyo Komoutarka,waxaana maantay Imtixaanka u fariistay 45-ardey oo ay u dhamaatay Koorsooyinka 1-2 ee Xisaabta…”ayuu yiri Ayuub.
Dhagayso Waraysiga Maamulaha Machadka Ayuub Mahad Adan Guji Halkan
Sidoo kale Ayuub ayaa u xusay in Machadku u qeybsan yahay laba qeybood oo qeybta koowaad lagu barto Maadooyinka Caafimaadka,Engilsh halka qeybta labaadna lagu barto Komputarka,Engilsh,Xisaabta iyo weliba Caafimaadka isagoona guud ahaan ardeyda dhigata ku sheegay in ay gaareyso 600-ardey.
Machadka PUHPEC  ayaa ah mid ay wax ka dhigaan macalimiin khibrad u leh waxa ay dhigayaan,waxaana kamid ah macalimintaas:
01. Ayaanle Cabdisalaam Axmed  [Xisaabta]
02. Maxamed Khadar Maxamuud [Xisaabta].
03. Samuel WamalawaMusenjule [Engilsh].
04. Maslax Cumar Maxamed [Engilish].
05. Cabdifitax Xasan Xuseen [Engilsh].
06. Maxamed Maxamud Xuseen [Engilsh].
07. Maxamed Maxamuud Barre[Caafimaadka].
08. Axmed Daahir Maxamuud [Caafimaadka].
09. Maxamed Cabdiqaadir [Caafimaadka].
10. Cabdicasiis Abshir Siciid [Caafimaadka].

Gabagabadii Maamulaha Machadka Puntland Health Promotion and Edication Centar Ayuub Mahad Aadan,waxa uu tilmaamay in Mustaqbalka ay higsanayaan horumaro farabadan uguna weyn tahay in Shahaadooyin Diploma ah ay siiyaan Ardeyda wax ka barata Machadka iyo kuwa kasii muhiimsan.
 

 



Cismaan Turaabi
RBC Radio
Xafiiska Wararka Boosaaso
turrabi20@gmail.com

Filmmaker: John D McHugh
Barack Obama, the US president, has pledged to withdraw American forces from Afghanistan by 2014, with other NATO nations set to pull out their troops before that date and overall responsibility for security gradually being handed to the Afghan National Army and police.
Following the announcement last month from the Taliban that they are prepared to open a political office in Qatar - a step which may facilitate a move towards negotiations and a peaceful settlement - many people hope that the end of Afghanistan's long and brutal war may just be in sight.

In pictures: Afghanistan's winter war
But there is a long way to go yet and many ways in which any deal could be upset by events. General John Allen, the senior American commander on the ground, has publicly expressed doubts that a full military withdrawal by 2014 is feasible and, as many experts point out, fighting in parts of Afghanistan is just as fierce as it has always been.
This is especially so in two strategically vital provinces, Kunar and Nuristan, which sit on Afghanistan's mountainous north-eastern border with Pakistan. Since US troops arrived in the country 11 years ago, the area has seen sustained and intense violence. In 2009, with casualties rising, the Americans withdrew entirely from Nuristan. The following year northern Kunar was also handed over to Afghan control. But within a few months, the Taliban had retaken the area, infiltrating through vital border crossings and completely undermining attempts by Afghan forces to maintain security across the region.
So now US forces have returned to the area, this time to the frozen peaks as well as the valleys, determined to re-establish their military dominance and win over the local population before they go. The Taliban are just as keen to see them defeated and the result is an intermittent but occasionally ferocious clash for supremacy amid the mountain tops. Both sides know that what happens here may yet decide the success or failure of NATO's war and indeed the future of Afghanistan itself. 
This winter People & Power sent filmmaker John D McHugh to the frontline of this remote but important struggle, to assess the willingness and capacity of the combatants to see it through to a definitive conclusion. The film is the first in a series of occasional reports that will address aspects of Afghanistan's preparedness to handle its own security and affairs beyond 2014.
Filmmaker's view
Bent over on one knee, as the wind and dirt slammed against me, I clung tightly to my rucksack and cameras. I could hear and feel the powerful Chinook's rotors tearing through the air above my head, but I didn't dare look up. It was past midnight, and the moon had already set. The skies in Nuristan are free from light pollution and the stars sparkle in the sky. I knew the helicopter would be silhouetted against the stars, but even with my ballistic glasses and scarf wrapped tightly around my face, the wash of the blades was so strong that raising my head before it landed would simultaneously blind and choke me.
Finally, the engine noise changed, and I knew the pilots had managed the difficult descent onto the tiny mountain-landing zone at Observation Post (OP) Mace. Heaving my bag onto one shoulder, I stumbled forward in the darkness, trying not to smash my shin against the lowered rear ramp of the bird, always a danger in these nighttime operations. There had been no Taliban shooting this time, but overhead I could hear the armed escort of Kiowas ready to return fire as they had many times over the previous days.
I had landed in the dark 12 days earlier. That had been a much bigger event, with several groups of soldiers waiting their turn as the huge workhorse Chinooks ferried back and forth from Forward Operating Base Bostick onto the mountaintop OP Mace.
OP Mace sits 1,000 metres from the Pakistan border. It over watches a checkpoint on the Landay Sin River, a crossing point from the town of Gowerdesh into Pakistan. Gowerdesh is in the Kamdesh district, which according to the local Afghans, is in Nuristan province. On US military maps it is located in Kunar province. Either way, it is a dangerous area. The district has several local groups of fighters opposed to the Afghan government, as well as Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters eager to kill Americans and their Afghan security partners. Peace seems very far away.
Symbolism and sorrow
The Nuristan and Kunar region has seen some of the fiercest fighting in the past 10 years [John D McHugh]
The Nuristan and Kunar region has seen some of the fiercest fighting in the 10 years since the US came to Afghanistan and ousted the Taliban. There have been heavy casualties (almost 180 US soldiers killed at the end of 2011), and the area echoes with place names heavy with symbolism and sorrow; Keating, Wanat, Korengal, and the Pech have become synonymous with death, and defeat.
In 2010, US commanders decided that the mountainous, sparsely populated area was not worth the blood and treasure required to hold it, and quietly began to slip away. Combat Outposts and OPs were handed over to the Afghan National Army (ANA) and the Afghan Border Police (ABP). Many of these were attacked and overrun by the Taliban. Others were preemptively abandoned by the Afghan security forces (ANSF).
In June 2011, Gowerdesh checkpoint was overrun. The Taliban killed 23 of the Afghan Border Police manning it. They then made a gruesome video of the young policemen's remains, desecrating and dishonouring the bodies while holding their captured weapons aloft as trophies. The whole point of the Americans' operation at OP Mace was to help the Afghan Border Police rebuild their destroyed checkpoint at the base of the mountain, while at the same time getting the Afghan army and the police to work together. But what the Americans describe as inter-service rivalry between their own US marines, US army, US navy and US air force is far removed from the dissension between the Afghan National Army and the police. Each group protects the influence they have, and this reflects the tribal mentality that pervades every aspect of life in Afghanistan.
Overwhelming confidence or pure stupidity?
That the Taliban stand only the tiniest chance of hitting a helicopter does not stop them trying  [John D McHugh]
As we crammed ourselves into the low-slung cargo seats of the Chinook, abandoning any effort to strap ourselves in, I thought back over my time on the mountaintop. For the first nine days there had been a lot of shooting. Not the up close and personal kind of close quarter combat that I have come to expect in Afghanistan, especially in this eastern part. No, rather it had been Taliban taking pot shots at the helicopters followed by massive retaliation from the pilots. Not a fair fight at all, and I wondered again and again what the Taliban were trying to achieve. There was only the tiniest chance that they would even hit a helicopter, let alone bring one down. This slight possibility pitched against the guaranteed retribution of the heavily armed flying machines suggested either overwhelming confidence, or pure stupidity. I never could decide which.
The culmination had come on the ninth day, the American festival of Thanksgiving. Well aware of its significance to the US troops, the Taliban had launched a complex attack, with multiple weapons systems firing from separate locations. I saw one US sniper push the Thanksgiving meal laid out on cardboard boxes to one side as he set up his .50mm Barrett rifle to return fire. Other soldiers shoveled food from heavily laden plates into their mouths as they scanned the surrounding ridgelines, looking for the telltale puffs of smoke that would give away Taliban fighting positions. They have become so inured to the fighting that it does not spoil their appetite any more. Once again, massive aerial bombardment was brought to bear, and the attack petered out. Over the course of my stay on Mace I witnessed the truly awesome firepower that the US military brings to a fight. Between their helicopters and jets they had dropped 19 bombs, fired two Hellfire missiles, 205 rockets, 500 rounds of 20 millimetre, and 210 rounds of 30-millimetre cannon. They also discharged 3,750 rounds of .50 caliber machinegun ammunition. And yet, only once, could they confirm that they had killed a single Taliban fighter. As my Chinook lifted off, I waited for the roar of gunfire. None came. Maybe all the Taliban were dead, or had left the area. Or maybe, they were just content to sit quietly and watch the Americans leave.
Ghaziabad District, Kunar
Instead of teaching the Afghan forces, US forces live, work and fight alongside their 'partners' [John D McHugh]
When I arrived in Ghaziabad, once again it was under cover of darkness. This time I was riding in an armoured truck, but it was still felt that driving in daylight hours was too dangerous. Over the previous months the soldiers of 2/27 Infantry Regiment, known as the 'Wolfhounds', had fought fiercely to prise control of the area from some very well-established Taliban forces. However the reality was that IEDs and ambush still posed a very real and lethal threat.
The reason for the trip was simple; Lieutenant Colonel Dan Wilson, the battalion commander of 2/27, had just returned from his leave and he was making a tour of his battle space to reconnect with the local Afghan leaders. In Ghaziabad he was meeting with Major Mohammed Ishmael, the district police chief.
When we arrived at the District Centre, destined to be our home for the next three days, the warm friendship between Wilson and Ishmael was immediately obvious. The police chief had been sleeping, but said he had hoped when he heard the engines pulling up outside that it meant his friend Col. Wilson had arrived. As they sat on cushions strewn around the Major's room, freshly brewed chai was brought to them - a familiar ritual in a country renowned for its hospitality
A couple of years ago, "partnering" became the newest catch phrase in the Afghan war. The idea, introduced by US General McChrystal, was simple: instead of mentoring or teaching the Afghan security forces how to do things, an approach which was not really working, coalition forces would now live, work and fight alongside their "partners". Thus, the theory went, the Afghans would learn by example.
Partnering has been much derided, mostly because it is a concept that is only as strong as its weakest link. But looking at Wilson and Ishmael, I saw a genuine relationship. They chatted into the night, first asking about each other's families and proclaiming their happiness to see the other in a typically Afghan manner, and then gradually moving on to a synopsis of what had happened while the Colonel was away.
The Pied Piper of Kunar
A few years ago 'partnering' became the newest US strategy in the Afghanistan war [John D McHugh]
In the morning I got to see Wilson in action again, sat with the inevitable glass of chai in front of him, chatting to the local elders. At a table set up on the grass, the police chief came and went, as did the local district governor, and other powerbrokers from the area. As I watched them, I realised that Wilson has figured out a little of what it is to communicate in Afghanistan.
In the fast-paced West, straight talkers are feted, timewasters derided. Everybody wants to get to the point. But in my experience in Afghanistan, conversations are more akin to a gentle stroll than the 100 metre dash. An Afghan will rarely use one word when he can use 10. Speech is cherished, littered with idiom and analogy. The Afghans value intellect and education, and speaking at length about any subject displays both to listeners.
Wilson spoke more Pashto than any other American I have met in my six years working in Afghanistan. But much more importantly, he had learned how to listen, and it is this to which I would ascribe most of his success.
Later, walking through the local bazaar, he was keen to ask the Afghans about their problems, and then listen to their answers, however long it took. He even had an exchange with a group of children who wanted him to get them cricket bats. When he told them that he had heard their local team was the best in Kunar, racking up wins against other districts, and even a team from Pakistan, it was like watching the Pied Piper himself. Although it is easy to be cynical, this is what winning hearts and minds is all about, and it was impressive to see it in action. Too often I have seen American officers pay it lip-service, or worse. There is a grim line too often heard in military circles: "Two in the chest, one in the head, that's hearts and minds."
But the Americans are not the only ones that often lean to violence before words. At another meeting, I listened as the Afghan elders discussed a local leader who would not reconcile with the government. When Wilson told the elders he had applied to have a reward placed on the man's head, they called instead for his summary execution. One man said, "from your base, you can fire a rocket and it will come ..." and then he made a downward motion with his hand, followed by the sound of an explosion. All the local men laughed. They continued to laugh as Wilson protested that he could not do that, that in fact Hamid Karzai, the Afghan president, had forbidden such acts. He told them they would have to get Kabul to approve such an operation, to which one Afghan replied: "We represent Afghanistan, we give you permission. Kill him." Another man added: "There is an expression in Afghanistan; If you want peace, prepare for war."
While Wilson and Ishmael continued to prepare for war, so did the Taliban. Just four days after I walked through the bazaar with them, a suicide bomber blew himself up in the same street, killing Ishmael and five others. The bomber was a 12-year-old boy
Source Aljazeera

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OPINION | Friday, FEBRUARY 10, 2012
By Bashir Goth
As Somaliland takes a slide into the unknown, many questions come to the mind of those of us who advocated and still believe in the legitimacy of the Somaliland cause and have a great faith in the ingenuity and wisdom of the people of Somaliland.
Among the questions that race through the mind is whether this downward slope brought about by the Somaliland government’s rush to attend the London Conference on Somalia, will cause it to free fall into the abyss or whether the slide will be due to a temporary misstep after which Somaliland will regain her balance and will continue the journey with her renowned stride.
Is this hasty decision to participate in the London Conference and the unprecedented unanimous support given to Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo’s government by the legislative houses, political parties and some community elders an expression of desperation after twenty years of seeking recognition have came to nothing? Or is it an attempt to change tactics and to reposition Somaliland’s foreign strategy by adopting a new policy of engagement with the international community and the TFG instead of the standing policy of Somaliland’s successive governments’ that was based on digging in their heels? Is the government’s decision a pre-emptive action aimed at stymieing any attempts by the recently declared mini-states of Awdal and Khaatumo to be heard in the London Conference? Or is it a long and drawn out agenda, carefully crafted with shrewdness and deceit by President Silanyo and his henchmen to scuttle Somaliland’s sovereignty and trade it for a hero’s welcome and posts in Mogadishu?
To save time and space, I will leave most of the above questions open to be answered by time, but I will tackle the last one, speculating on Mr. Silanyo’s perceived intentions and agenda for Somaliland.
A Wounded Ego
Any observer who tracks Ahmed Mohamed Mr. Silanyo’s history will surely surmise that he has never forgiven the SNM Command for removing him from the SNM leadership in 1990 in Baligubadle and denying him to be the hero who announces the victory of the SNM over Siyad Barre.
At the time of Baligubadle Conference, Mr. Silanyo was almost six years at the helm of the SNM and the military regime of Siyad Barre was on the verge of collapse. But when Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (Tuur) was elected to replace him, Mr. Silanyo must have naturally felt cheated. Like any guerrilla leader, Mr. Silanyo would have definitely liked to be the one who celebrates the victory lap, raises Somaliland’s flag and be remembered as the founder of the new country.
It was Mr. Silanyo’s fate to watch Abdirahman Tuur and later Mohamed Ibrahim Egal claim the honor of being recognized as the founders of Somaliland. If someone else was called the founder, he must have told himself, he should carve his own legacy in the people’s psyche by becoming the hero of the reunification of Somaliland with Somalia. If anyone would think this to be a wild claim or a stretch of imagination, let us explore together the political legacy of Mr. Silanyo during the existence of Somaliland.
After leaving Egal’s cabinet, Mr. Silanyo stayed in political wilderness for a while, apparently brooding about his comeback and how he would revenge for his damaged ego.
He probably saw his first chance after Egal’s death, when Mr. Silanyo rushed back to Hargeisa and lobbied to be elected as Rayale’s Vice President. He even met Rayale face-to-face and asked him to nominate him as his vice president. He must have been dumbfounded when Rayale overstepped him and took Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, an unknown figure and a political novice as his Vice President.
The Odyssey Begins: Laying Out the Plan
Thinking that Rayale’s sojourn in the Presidential palace will be short and temporary, Mr. Silanyo formed his own party Kulmiye, pushing aside his clansman Suleiman Mahamoud Adan (Suleyman Gaal), who was the chairman of ASAD Party, by using his SNM credentials. Even at that time people who knew Mr. Silanyo closely made their own interpretations about the name he chose for his party. Kulmiye (unifier) they thought was a signal to where Mr. Silanyo would lead the nation if he was elected.
But the real blow to Mr. Silanyo came when Dahir Rayale Kahin, a non-SNM and a former NSS officer, defeated him in the first Presidential election 2003 on his own turf. This must have caused a permanent dent to Mr. Silanyo’s ego and planted in him the seed for revenge.
He launched a relentless mobilization campaign that went non-stop for almost six years. He used the tribal card, the SNM card and every plausible tactic he could muster to discredit Rayale even at the expense of destroying Somaliland’s image abroad. He rallied the Somaliland diaspora behind him by invoking the memory of the SNM struggle and tribal sentiments.
The Garadag Conference
When the second presidential elections came closer, Mr. Silanyo seemed to have panicked to the extent that he couldn’t trust his party base and instead convened the Garadag Conference of his sub-clan. This was the first time that a Somaliland national leader of his caliber resorted to clan politics. None of the previous three leaders, Abdirahman Tuur, Egal and Rayale, nor even Faisal Ali Waraabe, the leader of UCID, had stooped so low to publicly and exclusively convene their sub-clans and seek their endorsement. The Garadag Conference had converted Mr. Silanyo from a national leader to a tribal chief. His battle cry was: “It is our turn”, but his tacit message was that if he was not elected this time, Somaliland had to prepare for the return of his sub-clan to Mogadishu or what we may retrospectively consider to have meant the creation of Garadag State.
To prove this one doesn’t have to go far. The flight of Dr. Mahmoud Abdillahi Jama Sifir, Mr. Silanyo’s campaign manager during the 2003 election, to Mogadisho after Mr. Silanyo’s defeat was a stark reminder of where Mr. Silanyo would have led Somaliland if he won the election. The unceremonious return of Dr. Sifir to Hargeisa after Mr. Silanyo has won the country’s presidency in July 2010 is another manifestation that Dr. Sifir was only acting as an emissary for Mr. Silanyo in Mogadishu.
Many people were perplexed how Dr. Sifir could just return to Somaliland while the law banning Somaliland politicians who engage in politics in Mogadishu was still in place and many prominent people before him including General Jama Mohamed Ghalib, first police commander of Somaliland after independence and Somali police commander and minister of interior under Siyad Barre, were imprisoned and deported as a result. However under Mr. Silanyo well known unionists such as Osman Kallun, Jama Galib and others have just slipped back into the country without facing any charges. The only interpretation of this development is that these gentlemen probably knew well Silnayo’s stance on the sovereignty of Somaliland.
But while Mr. Silanyo was on one side showing magnanimity and the tolerance of statesmanship to his people and pardoning those politicians who came from Mogadishu, he on the other side denied giving the same treatment to those hailing from Awdal. Two Somali TFG MPs from Borama, Abdoo Shoodhe and Ahmed Huseein (Sitiin) were deported from Awdal, while a number of Borama youth and one of the Awdal diaspora were imprisoned for unfounded suspicions of being members of Awdal State. If this is not a deliberate act of mockery of justice of Orwellian proportions, I do not know what else to call it.
Another manifestation of Mr. Silanyo’s apparent links to Mogadishu was the sense of relief felt in the South and the congratulatory messages that Mr. Silanyo received from the various political forces and communities in Mogadishu during his campaign and after his election.
A policy of Alienation and Provocation
Mr. Silanyo’s first ministerial cabinet looked like an exclusive club. The Hargeisa humor mill immediately branded it as the government of “Xigtada iyo Xaynka” (relatives and in-laws). The stark absence of Awdal and Sool representation in key cabinet portfolios and senior government posts was another harsh reminder of Mr. Silanyo’s policy of alienation and injustice-induced frustration.
In a further step that reminded people of the tactics of socialist states, Mr. Silanyo launched a sweeping purge of the government’s civilian employees in an apparent step of cleaning the government house of UDUB sympathizers and making place for his own supporters. However, many observers considered this a calculated measure aimed at driving a wedge between the different clans of the community, particularly as the clans on the peripheries have taken the brunt of the civil employee purge.
While the writing was on the wall for all to see, it needed someone like Faisal Ali Waraabe, Chairman of UCID Party, to say it bluntly:
” Dalkii Qaylo ayaa ka yeedhaysa la leeyahay Eexasho Xoog ah ayaa jirta oo shaqooyinkii iyo dhaqaalihii midna looma sinna , Qabyaaladiina geeso ayey yeelatay waa in aynu geesaha ka jaraa, Beelaha iyo gobolada cabanaaya ee ay ka mid tahay Awdal iyo Laascaanood ay ka mid tahay waa in awooda dalka qaybtooda la siiyaa oo maaha in la isku koobooo in ay qolo qudhi qadato awooda sare..” Faysal Cali Waraabe (Source: Togaherer.com)
Faisal did not hide his fears that such injustice and lack of inclusive government could lead to the collapse of Somaliland:
“…waxaan idiin sheegaya in ay ahayd waxani waxyaalihii ay Somaliya ku burburtay in awoodii dalka ay reero kaliyi burbursaden Wadadii aynu ka dagaalanay ee cadaalad darada ahay in aynu marno maaha…” Faysal Waraabe. (Source: Togaherer.com)
But instead of rectifying these obvious injustices and addressing the genuine grievances of the peripheral communities, Mr. Silanyo has slapped them in the face again by removing all Somaliland’s representatives (ambassadors) and appointing new ones who in contrary to tradition did not include a single person from the Sool and Awdal regions.
Even when Mr. Silanyo sacked the country’s Chief Justice many people assumed that the position should go to the people of Sool who unlike those in Awdal were not represented in any key position in the country’s government organs. However, it surprised no one but those uninitiated in Mr. Silanyo’s policy of “segregate and provoke sedition” when he ignored the popular demand and had filled the post with one of his own people, thus further widening the fault line between his government and the people of Sool.
Cheerleader Opposition
What is astoundingly confusing and eerily suspicious is how Mr. Silanyo managed to silence all types of opposition from the clans of the central regions. Somaliland opposition on both the political and communal level used to be robust and highly critical of all previous governments.
The late President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal met tough opposition from both the political establishment and the people. He even survived a parliament impeachment by one single vote. This was the man who was the first Prime Minister of Somaliland after Independence, the last elected Prime Minister of the Somali Republic, the father of the new Somaliland and one of the most charismatic statesmen that Somaliland and Somalia have ever produced. But this brilliant leadership record and his skillful management of clan politics did not spare Egal from being the butt of a stiff opposition from political novices at the time such as Suleiman Mahmoud Aden (Sulieman Gaal) and others who gave him a tough time to fight for his political survival.
Dahir Rayale also did not enjoy a peaceful time in office as Mr. Silayo himself and the forces he mobilized have exercised no less than scorched earth tactics to intimidate him, incite hatred against him and eventually oust him.
But after coming to power, all opposition forces have suddenly become emasculated. The Somaliland Forum, the Diaspora group that was extremely vocal against Egal and Rayale and portrayed itself as the vanguard of Somaliland’s nationalism had suddenly fallen silent. The torrent of media outlets that peaked due to their gung-ho opposition to Rayale had laid down their gauntlets as many of them have been rewarded for their efforts with government posts and other favors. And the only few media people who dared to monitor the government’s wrong doings have been intimidated, gagged and at times beaten and ruthlessly incarcerated in dozens (Source: Guardian).
As a measure of counterbalance, Mr. Silanyo has extended the coverage of the official national TV and has opened a branch of it in the UK to use it as his mouthpiece and populate it with his former media cronies.
This is the leader that made freedom of speech a hallmark of his political philosophy and never failed to assail Rayale government for its treatment of the media and freedom of expression.
Plagued by internal conflicts, the two main opposition parties have ended up in disarray and many people point fingers at a hidden government hand in paralyzing them. This explains what happened to Faisal Ali Waraabe, the only vocal and bold opposition voice heard today.
Prominent community elders and respected religious clerics who dared to criticize Mr. Silanyo’s government such as Boqor Raabi were imprisoned or summoned to police for investigation. (Source: Somaliland.org). Only Boqor Osman Aw Mahamoud Buurmadow who currently resides outside the country remains a formidable opposition figure.
Lambasting Mr. Silanyo’s nervousness about criticism and his government’s heavy-handedness in dealing with freedom of speech and the disappearance of the role of the opposition, Hassan Essa Jama, Somaliland’s former Vice President and a highly respected intellectual and SNM veteran, said:
“…Immika labada maamul ee kala dambeeyey midna mabuu digiigixanayn (kii hore), kuwana haddaad dhinacooda jalleecdo oo aad xiix tidhaa adigoo cunnaha bannaysanaaya dhagaxu wuu kugu yaallaa. Waxaa la yidhi mayd maxaa ugu dambeeyey iyo kaa la sii sido, waxaa markhaati ka ah Faysal Cali Waraabe, Faysal waa ninka mucaaradada Somaliland ku keliyeystay sannadka iyo badhka maamulakani jiray, laba saddex eray oo uu meelahaa ka yidhi saska laga qaaday markhaati ayaad ka tihiin ee aan loo kala hadhin ee cid xaal bixisay aanay jirin ee cid ladqabe ka gashay aanay jirin ee rag iyo dumar la isu soo raacay…”
Elucidating the role of the opposition that Mr. Silanyo’s government wants to eradicate, Jama said:
“Mucaaridnimadu waa xil qaran. Mucaaridka iyo muxaafidku waa labada lugood ee qaranimadu ku taagan tahay. Haddii labada mid uun xanuun soo galo ummaddu waa dhutinaysaa. Markaa labaduba waxa loo baahan yahay in ay caafimaad qabaan si ay qaranimadu u sii waarto.”(Source: Ogaal News)
In an apparent disdain of the unwarranted cheerleading of the opposition and the public for government officials in every occasion, Mohamed Ibrahim Hadrawi, the renowned poet, admonished the youth in riding such a despicable trend by saying:
“Dhallinyaroy mid fadlakum sacabku waxba ma macneeyo ee sacabka iska daaya; Wallaahi waxba ma macneeyo oo waa jahli ee sacabka innaga daaya. Qofku wuxuu goobta u yimaad ma aha in uu sacabiyo ee waa inuu waxa la leeyahay wax uun kala baxo meesha..”
Gladdened by the truth of Hadrawi’s statement, Hassan Essa Jama added:
“…Waan u muusoobay oo waxaan idhi Ilaahayow yaa qodobkaa fahamsiiya siyaasiyiinta sacabka jecel. Siyaad Barre maan arag anigu oo aad baa loogu sacabin jiray baa la yidhi; oo isagaa xataa isu sacabin jiray marka loo sacabinayo….malaha Hadraawow sacabkii waad ka haqab-beeshee, waxaan aqaan qolooyin wali u jeellan oo aad ugu baahan…” (Source: Jamhuuriya)
This is indeed an unhealthy political environment; a country without checks and balances, without dissention, a country where the houses of parliament and opposition leaders just rubber- stamp the president’s dictates cannot claim to have a functioning democracy.
The majority of Silnayo’s cabinet members are expatriates whose only aim is presumably to get quick and tax-free cash to pay their mortgages in their adopted countries. They have no interest in rocking the boat and spoiling their newly-found fame and fortunes. It is again Faisal Ali Waraabe who illustrates the rampant corruption practices taking place in Mr. Silanyo’s government:
“..Wakhtigii dawladii Rayaale waxaynu maqli jiray musuqmaasuq jira, musuqmaasuqaasi wuxuu ahaa wax la wada arkayo oo aan dhaafsiisnayn mid xooga-xada iyo ku Guri ka dhista dalka, taasi saleelo ayey ahayd maanta Tan Siilaanyo waxa iskugu yimid niman xatooyatada iyo musuqmaasuqu heerku gaadhay Mortgages (Caymisyo) guryo lagaga iibsanayo Yurub iyo Maraykanka dee xogaagii aynu haysanay ma in danyarta loogu shaqeeyo ayuu noqon, mise in Mortgageka (Caymisyo) Guryaha Yurub iyo Maraykanka lagu bixiyo..” (Source: Qaran News)
Undoing Somaliland’s Hard Won Gains
One of Mr. Silanyo’s loyal Ministers who used to be a die-hard critic of the Rayale administration confided to me recently that he was surprised to learn that Rayale’s industrious Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale had elevated Somaliland’s international standing to the extent that the country was on the verge of gaining recognition.
It is no secret that Somaliland had many regional and international friends during the Rayale-Duale period. Somaliland had enjoyed robust and close relations with Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya, South Africa and beyond. As a veteran Minister, Abdillahi Duale had travelled wide and far during his long service and he established warm ties with many of his African counterparts and senior personalities of the African Union. This is why Somaliland was allowed as an observer in many regional conferences. A friendly, suave and gregarious personality, Duale had also built a pool of international academics and diplomats who actively advocated and campaigned for the cause of Somaliland. Dualeh did this without compromising the sovereignty of Somaliland in anyway. He is also known to be one of the few ministers who did not use his government post for personal gain.
Mr. Silanyo government has squandered all that effort to the extent that Somaliland’s ties with Ethiopia have become untenable and most if not all the international activists for Somaliland have disappeared.
The stability and security of the country, two factors that attracted great admiration for Somaliland had also suffered as the rate of criminal acts, clan conflicts and homicides have increased while the country has become a refuge for Al Shabab returnees who escaped from the Ethiopian push into Southern Somalia. Extremist elements that were kept under the government’s radar during Egal and Rayale’s administrations have become emboldened under Mr. Silanyo. The only explanation in my opinion for dismantling of Somaliland’s gains and allowing the security to loosen was to create a situation of heightened urgency to show Somaliland as a soft target for international terrorism as a pretext to invite foreign intervention and eventual return to the fold of the failed Somali union.
How Garadag “State” begotten Awdal and Khaatumo “States”
Instead of dissipating the image that Somaliland is a one clan-based entity as claimed by anti-Somaliland forces, Mr. Silanyo reinforced this concept by forming a government of Xigto iyo xidid. He deliberately avoided including people from Awdal & Salal in his appointed ambassadors, key ministries, police, military and intelligence commanders and the Chief Justice of the country. Even in his foreign trips he takes with him his close relatives. This is not an honest oversight but a shrewd calculation aimed at instigating sedition among the clans in the peripheries and pushing them to convene their own Garadag-style clan conferences to design their own future.
Unlike the policies of Egal and Rayale who saw the damage that any retrospective reading of history could do to the peaceful co-existence and harmony of the communities and hence avoided to invoke the memories of the civil war, Mr. Silanyo’s revial of the Mujahid vs Faqash rhetoric and his proposal of building monuments for the SNM fighters was another attempt to provoke the people of Awdal and Sool and to re-ignite in them old feelings of resentment, domination and fear.
Finally, the declaration of these peripheral states came as a result of Mr. Silanyo’s own doing. And in a strange coincidence the London Conference on Somalia has come to Mr. Silanyo as an extra bonus and appears to have quickly acted to capitalize on it in line with spirit of the Somali proverb: “Meel aan doonayey roob igu eri” or Rain has forced me to a place I wished to be. Mr. Silanyo’s media machinery has quickly moved in to mitigate any resistance by the people by using buzzwords such as: “we have been in a container for so long and it is time that we have to present our case to the world.” Perplexed by the weird mood of the people of Hargeisa, a young brother of mine has summed up the situation in a satirized email he sent me from Hargeisa, saying: “ Reer Hargeisa waxa galay saar lagaga soo tumi jiray Muqdisho…”
The Buuhoodle Fighting
It is also worth mentioning here that while “Awdal State” remains a peaceful and Diaspora youth-driven facbeook initiative with little reality on the ground despite hitching on domestic and negotiable grievances, the Buuhoodle war on “Khaatumo State” is a dangerous development that puts the peace and stability of the region in great jeopardy.
One cannot miss the role of Dr. Ali Khalif Galaydh who must have convinced himself that the only way he could return to the political scene is to follow Mr. Silanyo’s footsteps and go back to his clan constituency for endorsement and blessing. It was indeed a tragedy to see Dr. Galaydh trading his academic cloak for clan chieftainship and his professorship mantle for a militia commander uniform.
With the exception of unfortunate incidents and grave political differences, the people of Sool have lived in a relative peace with their brethren in Somaliland over the last 20 years. They did this despite many of the Sool people had never accepted the Somaliland secession. It is therefore painful to see a man of Dr. Galaydh’s status who at one time lobbed for a leadership position in Somaliland to use the brotherly people’s blood as a ticket to get a seat in the London Conference.
Dr. Galaydh was expected to play a bigger role. To be a man above the tribal fray, a peace-maker, an agent for communal harmony and a giant academic who understood more than anyone else that the root causes of all clan conflicts in Africa were nothing more than a rivalry on dwindling resources and sometimes on empty nomadic pride.
Both Mr. Silanyo and Dr. Glaydh are committing grave crimes in pitting the two brotherly communities against each other in such an internecine and meaningless war. Neither the sovereignty of Somaliland nor the unity of Somalia is worth wasting the life of the youth and destroying the livelihood of communities while both men have their homes and families tugged in peaceful places abroad.
In the internet age of the 21st century when the youth of the world are competing on education and driving world economy on their revolutionary innovation, it is a crime to kill our youth on hollow nationalism and sloganeering of yesteryears and for personal ego boosting. And for those who expect miracles from the London Conference, here is the first reality check for them; the Buuhoodle war is one of its first fruits.
London Conference: A virgin Defiled
In reference to the London Conference, it is important to note that despite the euphoria and the media hype surrounding it; the day after the London Conference ends, the reality of Somalia will still be the same. A country under siege, a country under International Trusteeship; a country occupied by Ethiopian, Kenyan, Ugandan, and other African forces. Al Shabab will still be a dominant force and piracy will still be rife in the Somali seas and beyond. The TFG leaders will still be bickering over the spoils of the London Conference. The situation of Somalia will unfortunately remain business as usual as it always has over the last 20 years with only one difference. This time the Somalis will have little say more than any time before in running the affairs of their own country or deciding the future of their people.
On the contrary, if Mr. Silanyo’s agenda is not thwarted by vigilant Somalilanders, Somaliland will wake up with a different reality. It will no more be the “Best Kept Secret of Africa”, the fabled oasis of peace and stability. The chaos in Mogadishu will spill over to it. The beautiful virgin will wake up the next morning to find herself defiled, disgraced and disheveled. All that she could hear in her disoriented mental state will be the harsh words that any raped and dishonored Somali virgin detests to hear “Ha la asturo” or let us help her to hide her disgrace, meaning that Mr. Silanyo will put Somaliland before an insurmountable fait accompli: Either she has to live in disgrace as a pariah forever or she has to accept a forced marriage”. A diabolical plan made in hell. I hope President Silanyo proves me wrong, damn wrong, and Somaliland thrives under his stewardship. Let his history be the judge.
Bashir Goth
E-mail: bsogoth@yahoo.com
[Reposted due to Somalilandpress' server upgrade]