Muqdisho ( Sh. M. Network)-Halkan ka Dhageyso Warka Duhur ee Idaacadda Shabelle.
Hoos riix si aad u Dhageysato:-
http://radioshabelle.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Warka-Duhur-030718.mp3
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Nouakchott ( Sh. M. Network )-Ra’iisul wasaare ku-xigeenka Xukuummadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Mahdi Maxamed Guuleed (Khadar) oo magaalada Nouakchott ee caasimadda dalka Mauritania uga qeyb galay shir madaxeedkii Midawga Afrika, ayaa la kulmay Gudoomiyaha Guddiga Midawga Afrika, Moussa Faki Mahamat.
Ra’iisul Wasaare ku-xigeenka iyo Moussa Faki Mahamat ayaa ka wada halay nabadda iyo xasilloonida guud ahaan gobolka gaar ahaan dalka Soomaaliya iyo sida Midawga Afrika ay usii wadi lahaayeen taageerada Dawladda Soomaaliya la siiyo iyo hannaanka Soomaaliya ay amnigeeda kala wareegayso ciidamada nabad ilaalinta Midawga Afrika (AMISOM).
Ra’iisul wasaare ku-xigeenka Xukuummadda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa sidoo kale la kulmay Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore ee Ethioipia Hailemariam Desalegn, waxa ayna isla soo hadal qaadeen arrimo ay kamid yihiin adkaynta xariirka labada dal.
Mudane Mahdi Maxamed Guuleed (Khadar) ayaa labadii maalin ee tagtay magaalada Nouakchott uga qeyb gelay shir madaxeedka 31-aad ee Midawga Afrika oo looga hadlay sidii loogu guuleysan lahaa dadaallada loogu jiro la dagaalanka Musuq-maasuqa, furdasaha fududeyn kara la dagaalanka musuqa iyo Caqabadaha jira.
—DHAMMAAD—-
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Muqdisho ( Sh. M. Network )-Taliyaha Ciidanka Booliska DFS Bashiir Cabdi Maxamed ( Americo ) oo maanta la hadlay Warbaahinta ayaa sheegay in la adkeyn doono ammaanka guud ee magaalada Muqdisho.
Mr Americo ayaa tilmaamay in uu socdo qorshe lagu dardar gelinayo howlaha sugida amniga ee dhammaan degmooyinka gobolka Banaadir.
Waxaana uu ballan qaaday in dadaallada lagu xoojinayo nabad gelyada ay kaalin weyn ku yeelan doonto degmada Boodnheere ee G/ Banaadir.
Hadalka taliyaha Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed ayaa imaanaya, xilli maalmihii dambe Ciidamada ammaanku ay howlgallo ka wadeen gudaha magaalada Muqdisho.
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The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) will step up the training and be mentoring of Somali police officers during the transition period to prepare them for handover of security responsibilities.
Acting AMISOM Police Commissioner, Christine Alalo, said the training will be done in all the federal states to empower Somali police officers to take charge of the country’s security.
Speaking during the closing ceremony of a six-day in-Mission training course on Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV), for AMISOM Police officers, on Sunday, Ms Alalo urged the participants to ensure the objective of establishing a strong and professional police force in Somalia is realized.
“Whatever you have learnt from here, we expect you to get it out to our counterparts, the Somalis, who you are mandated to build their capacity,” Ms. Alalo stated at the function attended by other senior AMISOM Police officers, among them, Daniel Ali Gwambal, AMISOM Police Coordinator for Operations, and the Acting AMISOM Police Training Coordinator, Leon Ngulube.
The refresher course, the fourth this year, is aimed at improving the knowledge of officers on SGBV matters to help Somalia tackle the crime. More than 100 police officers have undergone the training this year.
Ms Alalo noted that proper training and mentoring of the Somali Police Force (SPF) is crucial, adding that it will enable AMISOM handover security responsibility to competent officers.
“This training comes at the right time when we are talking about the transition. We must ensure that we have the right people who can deliver. The right people who can bring out the information. The right people who can guide the Somali police about professional policing,” Ms Alalo observed.
During the training, the officers were taken through a number of topics which included AU Instruments and Conventions, police activities in Somalia, introduction to international humanitarian law, Somali legal system, forms and types of SGBV and traumatic effects and prevention of SGBV.
Ms Alalo urged the participants, comprising personnel from the Formed Police Units (FPU) and Individual Police Officers (IPOs), to share with their colleagues and Somali police counterparts the knowledge acquired from the training.
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Muqdisho ( Sh. M. Network )-Mas’uuliyiintaan oo ka socotay Wasaaradda Dekadaha dowladda Qatar ayaa waxaa garoonka diyaaradaha magaalada Muqdisho ku soo dhaweeyey Wasiirka dekadaha iyo Gadiidka Badda Soomaaliya iyo masuuliyiin ka socotay Madaxtooyada.
Ujeedada wafdigaan ayaa ahaa in ay sahmin iyo qiimayn ku sameeyaan qaar ka mid ah Dekadaha dalka taas oo qayb ka ah heshiisyo dhex maray dowlaha Soomaaliya iyo Qatar kadib booqashadii uu Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyaddu ku tagay maagaalada Dooxa ee dalka Qadar.
Ra’iisul Wasaaraha xukumadda federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa xubnahaan ku qaabilay xafiiskiisa waxuuna uga mahadceliyey boqashada ay Muqdisho ku yimaeen, isagoo u sheegay in dowladda Soomaaliya ay soo dhawaynayso cid kasta oo maalgashi ku samaynaysa dalka, iyadoo loo marayo habrac shariciga ee u yaalla Soomaaliya.
Wasiirka dekadaha iyo gadiidka Badda ee xukumadda Federalka Soomaaliya Marwo Maryan Aweys Jaamac oo warbaahinta qaranka kula hadashay xafiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Soomaaliya ayaa u mahadcelisay wafdiga ka socda Qadar, waxaana ay sheegtay in labada waddan uu ka dhaxeeyo xiriir aad u wanaagsan.
Halkan hoose ka daawo Sawirrada:-
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The 31st summit of the African Union wrapped up late Monday in Mauritania’s capital with advisory decisions on Libya, Somalia and South Sudan.
Attending the two-day summit in Nouakchott were 22 African presidents, four prime ministers and two foreign ministers.
In a written statement, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council said international actors should resume their efforts to implement a UN plan which aims to secure stability, territorial integrity and security in Libya.
Emphasizing the humanitarian conditions in South Sudan, which are worsening day by day due to war, the statement said the parties should fulfil their obligations.
Regarding Somalia, the council said the African Union supports the activities of its federal government in the transition period. It also asked the UN to finance the African Union’s mission in Somalia.
Speaking at a news conference, African Union Chairperson and Rwandan President Paul Kagame said the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement was among the topics that topped the summit’s agenda.
Kagame said five more countries signed the agreement.
He added that the establishment of a free trade area would have a great impact on the welfare of the African continent.
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Jamila ayaa ka mid ah kumanaanka dumar ee reer Afqaanistaan ah ee sanadkasta isku dayaya in ay isdilaan.
Hiiraan Online Tuesday July 3, 2018Nairobi (HOL) - Somalia’s Digital ID Team met with senior World Bank officials on Tuesday in Nairobi to go over plans on the government-led initiative to provide ID’s to all Somalis.The Somali National Identity Program, the first of its kind for Somalia, will attempt to create an identification system based on biometric data. The National ID systems designed to be the nucleus of a new national identification infrastructure and will act as an entry point for service delivery for Somali authorities, civil society, development partners and the private sector.The ID system will promote linkages with the delivery of services by the private sector, link IDs with electronic Know Your Customer (KYC) verification in the financial sector and coordinate social protection programs such as unconditional cash transfers. IDs would also play a crucial role in security, displacement and democratization processes.Dr. Nur Dirie Hersi Fursade, Chief Strategist in the Office of the President of Somalia, and Head the Digital ID Program said that the government cannot adequately respond to its citizen's needs without the implementation of the ID system.Ads By Google “The Somali Government is rapidly developing governance structures that will be able to respond to citizen needs”, said Dr. Nur Dirie Hersi Fursade, Chief Strategists in the Office of the President of Somalia. “Parallel to these developments, we need to make sure that Somali citizens and eligible residents are provided with identification credentials, which will enable access to vital services including aid and money transfer services. Implemented in this way, the new ID system acts as an effective and neutral entry point for addressing the effects of the global de-risking agenda by the Somali authorities”.During the meeting, Dr. Nur outlined the envisioned identification infrastructure, legal and regulatory framework, implementation schedule and budget. He also added that the Office of the President hopes to establish a new federal agency to manage the ID system.Dr. Nur also outlined the details of the recently signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Somali Federal Government and National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) of Pakistan. He said that NADRA has the unique experience in designing and delivering the ID software in a fragile country.It is estimated that over 1.1 billion people in the world are unable to access vital services because they are unable to prove their identity. The majority of those people live in Africa and Asia and over a third of them are children. The World Bank Group's senior management has emphasized the importance of identification for development and ensured that institutional resources would be at hand to support the endeavour.Among the attendees of the meeting were World Bank Group, DFID, EU, Norway, Denmark and USAID.
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Tuesday July 3, 2018
The 31st African Union summit
ended in Nouakchott, Mauritania on Monday with advisory decisions on
Libya, Somalia and South Sudan.
Twenty two (22) African heads of states, four prime ministers and two foreign ministers attended the two-day summit.
Ads By Google In a statement, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council said
international actors should resume their efforts to implement a UN plan
which aims to secure stability, territorial integrity and security in
Libya.
The statement emphasized the humanitarian conditions in South Sudan and said the parties should fulfil their obligations.
On Somalia, it said the AU supports activities of its federal
government in the transition period, while tasking the UN to finance the
AU’s mission in Somalia.
Chairperson of the AU and Rwandan President Paul Kagame said the
African Continental Free Trade Area agreement was among issues that
topped the summit’s agenda.
Kagame said five more countries signed the agreement.
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The Africa Report Tuesday July 3, 2018By Tom GardnerHow Abiy handles his relationship with Abdi Iley, the powerful leader
of Ethiopia’s Somali Region, has implications for the country’s fragile
system of ethnic federalismSomali Regional State
(SRS), Ethiopia’s second-largest region and home to its third most
populous ethnic group, is at a crossroads. The secessionist Ogaden
National Liberation Front (ONLF) had been almost entirely defeated, but
SRS is still, in the eyes of many Ethiopians, a byword for violence and
lawlessness. “From the centre, Somali Region is seen as a wilderness,”
says Fekadu Adugna, an academic at Addis Ababa University (AAU). Last
year, SRS’s long-standing tensions with the neighbouring region of
Oromia, home to Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo, erupted on
an unprecedented scale. Amidst fighting between regional security
forces, hundreds lost their lives and approximately one million
civilians fled their homes. In the SRS capital of Jijiga, thousands of
Oromos were herded into trucks by police and removed from the city. Many
have not returned. Somalis, meanwhile, flooded back the other way. Dealing
with the legacy of the violence will be one of the most sensitive – and
urgent – tasks for Ethiopia’s new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, who was
sworn in on 2 April and is the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF)’s first Oromo leader in its 30-year history. At
the heart of this task is his relationship with SRS president Abdi
Mohamed Omar – known as Abdi Iley, ‘the one-eyed’. Abdi is one of the
most powerful Somali leaders in the Horn of Africa. Over the past
decade, he has acquired an authority unprecedented in the region’s
recent history. Hot-footing it to Jijiga Ads By Google Both
men hail from traditionally marginalised regions with secessionist
histories, and both represent constituencies eyeing greater power at the
centre. But last year’s violence fuelled mutual mistrust, especially a
suspicion among Oromos that Abdi is too close to the Tigrayan People’s
Liberation Front (TPLF), which dominated Ethiopian politics, as well as
the security apparatus, for much of the past three decades. Some in
Oromia and elsewhere hope that the decline of the TPLF heralded by
Abiy’s appointment might spell the end of Abdi, too. Prime
Minister Abiy’s decision to visit the SRS capital, Jijiga, on 7 April,
as his first official trip, was thus symbolic. It was a bid to calm
nerves in a region anxious once again about its fate in the hands of
distant authorities in Addis Ababa, and fearful of what an Oromo prime
minister might mean for Somalis. On a stage in Jijiga, Abiy and Abdi,
who is said to have been deeply unhappy about the latter’s appointment,
shook hands and promised peace between the two regions. Bringing
change to SRS will be Abiy’s “litmus test”, says Abdifatah Mohamud
Hassan, former vice-president of the region, now in exile in Addis
Ababa. “It is the epicentre of all the problems in the country”. The
region is unique but in some respects it is Ethiopia in miniature: a
Gordian knot of poverty, authoritarianism, corruption, and ethnic and
clan rivalries. Understanding SRS’s future means
taking a look at its past. For this, the central statue in Jijiga offers
some clues. Unveiled in 2013 by Abdi, it depicts Sayyid Mohammed
Abdullah Hassan, a turn-of-the-century warlord, poet and cleric known to
the British as the ‘Mad Mullah’ and to Somalis as the father of Somali
nationalism. Hassan resisted not only the invading British and Italians
but also the then Ethiopian empire. The monument is a reminder that,
more than a century later, SRS remains a land of conflicting loyalties. Successive
regimes in Addis Ababa have sought to incorporate SRS, or ‘the Ogaden’
as it is still widely known, into the Ethiopian state, with mixed
fortunes. Before the neighbouring country of Somalia’s government
collapsed in 1991, Mogadishu had claimed the region as part of ‘Greater
Somalia’, and a bloody war was fought between the two neighbours between
1977 and 1978. The separatist ONLF insurgency emerged from the ashes of
Somalia’s defeat. By the late 1990s, it was waging all-out-war against
the EPRDF, a multiethnic coalition that seized power in Addis Ababa in
1991. But a counterinsurgency campaign launched
after a deadly ONLF attack on a Chinese oil exploration camp in 2007
brought a measure of stability. “People used not to be able to travel
because of war,” says Mohammed Ali, a 24 year-old school administrator.
“But now you can go anywhere.” Ermias Gebreselassie, a lecturer in
journalism at Jijiga University, which opened in 2007, says that when he
arrived in the region 10 years ago it was “almost a war zone”. He
recalls “bombings everywhere” and an environment that was “very, very
hostile. You couldn’t move around at night without being harassed by the
police.” Diaspora returnees Today
locals also point to belated signs of economic development. Between
1994 and 2007, SRS had the country’s lowest economic outcomes and
experienced the fewest improvements. Even today, its school enrolment
rates are the lowest in the country. But now members of the Somali
diaspora, such as Hafsa Mohamed, a US-Canadian who runs a local
non-governmental organisation (NGO), are beginning to return home. There
are now three airports, better hospitals and paved roads. A
better-educated, younger generation is increasingly taking up posts in
regional offices. Until relatively recently, the
region had almost no government. Clan rivalries and endless meddling by
the authorities in Addis Ababa ensured the region churned through nine
presidents from three different political parties in the two decades
after its creation. Such was the political paralysis that, in the early
2000s, a chain was drawn across the entrance to the administration
compound in Jijiga to keep vagrants from squatting in the buildings. Now
the administration is centred on an imposing palace overlooking the
city, surrounded by freshly manicured gardens. “There’s been an
improvement in the past five or six years,” says Hallelujah Lulie, a
political analyst in Addis Ababa. “They’ve started building a state
structure modelled on highland Ethiopia.” Abdi
Iley has been key to this. A member of the Ogadeni clan, the largest in
SRS, Abdi was regional security chief from 2005, and, unlike many of his
predecessors, was prepared to work with the Ethiopian state while at
the same time championing Somali nationalism. This had the effect of
neutralising the ONLF while winning him a following among his fellow
Ogadenis. “After Abdi came to power, he removed the bandits from the
region,” says Abdo Hilow Hassan, a lecturer in journalism at Jijiga
University. “And it has been at peace.” But it is
an uneasy sort of peace. The counterinsurgency campaign of the late
2000s was effective but also brutal. A June 2008 report by the NGO Human
Rights Watch found that the Ethiopian National Defence Force and the
ONLF committed war crimes in the Somali Region between mid-2007 and
early 2008. Abdi, aided by the federal
authorities, established a special police force known as the Liyu, who
continued to report to him directly even after he became president in
2010. Members of the 40,000-strong outfit have been implicated in
extrajudicial killings, torture, rape and violence against civilians.
“It’s a state within a state,” says Abdiwasa Bade, an academic at AAU.
“They [the Liyu] will only listen to Abdi Iley.” The
Ethiopian government’s approach has been likened, by government
officials and outside observers alike, to Vladimir Putin’s
counterinsurgency strategy in Chechnya: handing a local strongman
resources, state power and unprecedented autonomy in exchange for
stability. Abdi’s fiefdom The
price of stability is extreme authoritarianism. When, in 2015,
anti-government protests erupted across Oromia and Amhara, SRS was
quiet. Locals in Jijiga laugh at the idea of protests against Abdi’s
rule – though there have been sporadic demonstrations in parts of the
region dominated by non-Ogadeni clans since April. Abdi’s critics refer
to the region as a ‘fiefdom’ in which all power is concentrated in the
hands of the president and his family. “For the
last 10 years, people have not been safe,” says a local teacher, who
claims he was arrested and beaten twice, and who asked not to be named.
“There is collective punishment. If one person speaks out, the whole
family will be arrested and punished.” He continues: “Why is the federal
government quiet about these things? […] I feel like it’s two different
countries: you can be safe in Addis Ababa, but you are not safe here.” Many
of these dynamics coalesced in last year’s conflict with Oromia. The
border between the two regions has been contested– often bloodily –
since the introduction of ethnic federalism in 1995. Members of both
regions have a history of seizing land and resources from each other,
often with the backing of local politicians. Last year, violence took on
a worrying new dimension, as regional security forces engaged in open
warfare. Each side blamed the other for the dramatic upsurge in
bloodshed. Oromos pinned the blame squarely on
Abdi and the Liyu. Many pointed to the SRS president’s close links with
generals in the federal military, and argued that the failure of the
federal authorities to intervene was evidence of political involvement
at the upper-echelons of government. Even outside
Oromia, many argue the conflict was deliberately engineered to weaken
the region’s new leaders, notably Abiy and Oromia president Lemma
Megersa, who were then clamouring for more power. As for Abdi, his
economic clout is underpinned by the flows of contraband commerce that
run through his region. Some people say he acted in order to halt
efforts by Oromo authorities to disrupt the smuggling routes he and his
allies rely on. When violence escalated and Addis Ababa stayed mostly
silent, it seemed a blind eye had been turned once again to Abdi’s
excesses. But leaders in Oromia also share part
of the blame, not least since atrocities went unpunished on both sides.
Indeed, for many ordinary Somalis, the little attention paid to victims
on their side, of whom there were also many thousands, merely highlights
their relative invisibility in Ethiopian public life. “I feel like the
Oromo narrative is quite dominant,” says Hafsa, the returnee who last
year met with Somali women who had been brutally attacked and sexually
assaulted by Oromo men. “Somalis are often criminalised in this
particular conflict. It seemed like only Oromos were victims, even
though both sides had victims.” Abiy’s subsequent
election and the rise of his Oromo faction to pre-eminence within the
multiethnic EPRDF sparked fears of a backlash against Somalis. “People
worried he would punish us,” says Abdo, the Jijiga University lecturer,
though he adds that such anxieties have been largely quelled since the
prime minister’s visit to the region. But how long will the truce last? Federal conundrum Abiy’s
room for manoeuvre is limited. Any attempt to tame Abdi’s autonomy will
likely be met with stiff resistance. His power to remove elected
regional officials is limited. Efforts to reform or even disband the
Liyu security force would face similar constitutional hurdles, and in
any case would be politically difficult without tackling the special
police that operate in other regions at the same time. Moreover,
reforming the federal security apparatus in SRS will depend largely on
the extent to which the new prime minister manages to assert his control
over the entire military hierarchy. Even more
vexing, though, is the age-old challenge of turning SRS into a fully
paid-up member of the Ethiopian federal state. On one level, this may
mean doing away with the second-tier status of the Somali People’s
Democratic Party within the EPRDF. Unlike the coalition’s four main
constituent parties, the Somali faction is merely an ‘affiliated’
grouping, a legacy of deep-seated prejudices against Ethiopia’s
nomadic populations. One consequence of this is that Somalis remain
woefully underrepresented in the federal government: Abiy’s cabinet has
only two Somali ministers. That might change as
Ethiopian Somalis slowly become more assertive. “If we continue like
this, one day we will lead Ethiopia,” says Abdo, the Jijiga University
lecturer. “We’ve had a Tigrayan, a Southerner and an Oromo prime
minister. Why can’t we have a Somali prime minister one day?” This article first appeared in the June 2018 print edition of The Africa Report magazine
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News Agency of Nigeria Tuesday July 3, 2018The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) said it has intensified
training and mentoring of the Somali police officers to take over
security responsibilities during the transition process.
Christine Alalo, Acting AMISOM Police Commissioner, said the training
will be done in all the federal states to empower Somali police
officers to take charge of the country’s security.
“This training comes at the right time when we are talking about the transition.
“We must ensure that we have the right people who can deliver,” Alalo
said while closing a six-day in-mission training course on Sexual and
Gender Based Violence (SGBV).
Ads By Google “The right people who can bring out the information. The right people
who can guide the Somali police about professional policing,” she said
according to a statement released after the meeting.
The AU troops are expected to relinquish the
security of the key towns, to the Somali forces, through a
conditions-based transition plan, to allow them to take the lead
responsibility as part of the planned exit.
The move in is line with the UN Security Council resolution, passed
in August 2017, which authorized AMISOM to commence the transfer of
security responsibilities to the Somali national security forces.
Alalo called on the police officers to ensure the aim of establishing
a strong and professional police force in Somalia is realised.
The AU mission says it will support transition through the priority
tasks including securing main supply routes, securing key population
centres, to mentor and assist Somali security forces, both military and
police, in close collaboration with the UN.
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Tuesday July 3, 2018By Luchina Fisher
Halima Aden is smashing barriers as the first model to wear a hijab
while gracing the covers of magazines, walking the runaways of New York and Milan and competing in a beauty pageant.
The 20-year-old Somali-American model has appeared on the covers of
Vogue Arabia and British Vogue and Allure's July 2017 issue. She is
currently the cover model for Teen Vogue's July 2018 digital issue,
where she discusses her Muslim and American identities, her childhood
growing up as a refugee, and giving back as a UNICEF Ambassador.
Ads By Google "Growing up, I never saw magazine articles painting Muslim women in a
positive light," said Aden, who is the first model in a hijab to appear
on the cover of Teen Vogue. "In fact, if I saw an article about someone
who looked like me, it would be the complete opposite."
Aden's family fled their village in 1992 during Somalia's civil war and relocated to the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya.
When she was seven years old, Aden, her mother and younger brother
immigrated to the United States, eventually settling in St. Cloud,
Minnesota.
Aden was driven to make a better life for herself, competing in the Miss Minnesota pageant and working two jobs by age 16.
"When I was in high school, I was like, ‘I wanna work!’ I don’t want to
rely on anyone but myself. That to me was independence," she told Teen
Vogue. "I think it goes back to feeling hopeless as a kid for my mom.
She literally used to walk all over the camp selling oonsi (Somali
incense), not even for money but to trade for food and goods."
Now, Aden is the first hijabi model to sign with international modeling
agency IMG. And she was recently named a UNICEF ambassador, an honor
that's not lost on Aden.
"They always reminded me as a kid that I was not forgotten about," she
said of the United Nations children's fund. "I didn’t know what life
outside of a camp looked like. I couldn’t even imagine it. UNICEF was
[my world]. Before I could sign my own name, when I was literally doing
‘x’ for my name, I could spell UNICEF."
Recognizing how fortunate she is to have made it out of the camp and
become a U.S. citizen, Aden said, "This country has given me so much in
terms of life lessons and hardship and amazing opportunities. You take
the good with the bad. It’s just given me so much."
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Tuesday July 3, 2018(ABC
6 News) -- Independence Day is only a few days away, and celebrations
are already underway with parades, fireworks and picnics. However, for
some, the holiday has a deeper meaning.
ABC 6 News spoke with a Somali refugee who moved to Rochester just months ago.
“Right now I am a bus driver,” said Anab Khayre. Anab used to work at
a refugee camp in Kenya before coming to the United States.
“When we were in the refugee camp I used to be a security guard,” Anab said. It was a dangerous job for her and for her family.
Ads By Google Her oldest daughter was stabbed on her way out of school and Anab’s leg was slashed.
“They get out of the jail and target me and look for me and attack me so many times,” she remembered.
After she and her family qualified for refugee status, they spent a
few months in Kentucky and Minneapolis before moving to Rochester.
“Yeah, actually I like America, and my kids also like, and people of
America are good people, and they welcome us and they are really good
people,” she said.
Olmsted County’s most recent data says over 15,000 residents or
nearly 11 percent are foreign-born. An estimated 2,800 people are
undocumented.
“People from Burma are our primary population that arrives now
although we still see some Somalis and others from Middle East,” said
Armin Budimlic, executive director for Intercultural Mutual Assistance
Association (IMAA).
For now, Somalis make up the largest refugee population in the area.
“Refugees and immigrants come here with hopes to better themselves
and make a better life for their family which is probably what most of
our residents who were born in the United States wants for themselves,”
Budimlic said.
Anab is waiting for her green card, the first step in what will be a long journey to American citizenship.
“After we get the green card, we will wait maybe some years like four
or three years later and then we will try to apply again,” she said.
As for her immediate future, Anab is still deciding how she and her seven kids will spend Independence Day.
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Tuesday July 3, 2018By Wesley MorganDespite Pentagon assertions, secret programs allow American troops to direct combat raids in Somalia, Kenya, Niger and other African nations. A U.S. Army Special Forces Operational Detachment Alpha team conducts advanced nighttime marksmanship training at a Nigerien Army range on Sept. 11 along with counterparts from the 1st Expeditionary Forces of Niger. | U.S. Department of DefenseAmerican special operations teams are playing a more direct role in
military actions against suspected terrorists in Africa than the
Pentagon has publicly acknowledged, planning and participating in combat
raids by African troops in multiple countries including Somalia, Kenya,
Tunisia and Niger, under a set of classified programs.
In repeated public statements, military spokespeople have said the
American role in Africa is limited to “advising and assisting” other
militaries. But for at least five years, Green Berets, Navy SEALs and
other commandos operating under a little-understood authority have
planned and controlled certain missions, putting them in charge of their
African partner forces.
Under both the Obama and Trump administrations, the military
has relied on partners in other countries to carry out crucial missions
against suspected terrorists, to avoid American casualties after years
of massive direct involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan. But having
Americans plan and retain operational control of the missions gives them
greater ability to strike quickly against threats, according to
supporters of the programs, even as it shields the true nature of the
missions from critics in the United States and abroad.
“It’s less, ‘We’re helping you,’ and more, ‘You’re doing our
bidding,’” said one active-duty Green Beret officer with recent
experience in West Africa as he described the programs carried out under
a legal authority known as Section 127e. Like several other sources
interviewed for this story, he spoke on condition of anonymity to
discuss classified programs.
“Our special operators not only advise and assist and accompany their
partner force, but also direct it under these programs,” acknowledged
retired Brig. Gen. Donald Bolduc, who until June 2017 commanded most
U.S. special operations forces in Africa, in a POLITICO interview.
“If you’re deployed under this combating terrorism authority, 127e, that’s probably combat” — U.S. Representative Richard Hudson
Ads By Google The budgetary authority behind the secret programs is not itself
classified, and military leaders have referred to it obliquely in
congressional hearings — without describing the unusual arrangements
with African militaries that it allows. In 2014, Adm. William McRaven,
then the military’s top special operations commander, testified that
127e — then known as Section 1208 — is “probably the single most
important authority we have in our fight against terrorism.” And earlier
this year his successor, Gen. Tony Thomas, told Congress that the
authority’s “unique access and capabilities achieve results,” without
elaborating on what those capabilities are.
The role played by American commandos under the authority helps
explain the complex events that led to the deaths of four special
operations soldiers last October during an ambush in the village of
Tongo Tongo in Niger by local militants affiliated with the Islamic
State. The team that was ambushed was not operating under the authority,
but it had been diverted from its normal mission to support a second
team that was.
That second team had been flying across the country to help its
Nigerien partner force raid a militant hideout when the first team was
redirected to back it up — only to have weather force the helicopters
back, leaving the original team in the area on its own, according to an
investigation into the incident by the military’s four-star Africa
Command.
The authority funds classified programs under which African
governments essentially loan out units of their militaries for American
commando teams to use as surrogates to hunt militants identified as
potential threats to American citizens or embassies. That’s instead of
having the American commandos help the African troops accomplish their
own objectives, as other U.S. special operations teams do in Africa.
The programs focus on both reconnaissance and “direct action” raids
by joint forces of American and African commandos on militant targets,
Bolduc and other sources said — a type of mission the Pentagon has
previously denied participating in on the continent.
A spokesman for Africa Command declined to say which African states
host teams under the authority, but former special operations officers
have identified eight countries as current or recent sites of the
surrogate programs. They include well-known combat zones like Somalia
and Libya as well as more surprising sites for American-directed
commando raids like Kenya, Tunisia, Cameroon, Mali and Mauritania — and
Niger, where the October mission that ended in tragedy involved one of
two units that Green Berets run in the country under the authority.
As the Pentagon scrambled last fall to explain what its fallen
commandos had been doing in combat in an African country many Americans
had never heard of, it initially withheld some key facts — including
that a second team of special operations troops had been involved in the
mission too.More than eight months later, the Africa Command investigation has
revealed more details about the role of that second unit, known as Team
Arlit after the Nigerien town where it was based. But the Pentagon still
refuses to acknowledge the full nature of the mission it was conducting
or that it was working under the authority. (Bolduc, a former White
House official, and another former special operations officer with
experience in northwest Africa all confirmed that in interviews.) Both
Africa Command and Special Operations Command declined to comment on any
programs run under the authority, saying information about them is
classified.
One aspect of the programs that the Pentagon considers sensitive is
how close they come to putting the U.S. special operators who plan the
missions in harm’s way. Two weeks after the Tongo Tongo ambush, the
director of the Pentagon’s Joint Staff, Lt. Gen. Kenneth McKenzie, was
asked at a news conference whether any American special operators
participated in “direct action” missions alongside African troops —
military parlance for raids against suspected terrorist targets.
McKenzie had just said that American advisers on the continent were “not
directly involved in combat operations,” a statement that reporters in
the room were eager to clarify.
“No, we’re not involved in direct action missions with partner forces,” McKenzie answered bluntly.
That statement was incorrect. In fact, as Africa Command said in its
subsequent investigation, the mission for which Team Arlit and its
Nigerien partners were flying in when weather forced them back was a
“multi-team raid” — essentially a synonym for “direct action.”
McKenzie’s characterization was “obviously false,” the former White
House official, who has detailed knowledge of special operations
programs in Africa, said in an interview. “We are advising those forces
on direct action missions, and to say otherwise is lying by omission,”
the former official added.
Joint Staff spokesman Col. Patrick Ryder responded that when McKenzie
said “direct action,” he meant “U.S. direct combat operations.” Ryder
said that Americans troops “operate in Niger to train, advise, and
assist Nigerien forces in a non-combat role” but did not dispute that
missions in the country include direct action raids.
“There is more of a direct action flavor” to the missions run by
teams operating under the authority, said Bolduc, the former commander
of special operations forces in Africa. “That’s specifically what it’s
supposed to do.”
The chance to go on raids makes supporting one of the secret programs
a coveted assignment among commandos deploying to Africa. “Yeah, a 127
echo is a better mission,” the current Green Beret officer said, using
the military phonetic jargon for programs run under Section 127e.
“Everybody operates under the same guidelines as far as risk and self-defense and rules of engagement” — Brig Gen. Donald Bolduc
In northwest Africa, teams working under the authority try to track
down militants associated with al-Qaeda or the Islamic State who travel
on desert smuggling routes between Mali, Libya and Niger, said Bolduc,
the former White House official and the second former special operations
officer with experience in the region, who also spoke on condition of
anonymity to discuss classified programs.
During the second former special operations officer’s tour in Africa,
teams on such missions were involved in few actual gunfights, he said —
but suicide bombers once attacked the base where one team lived with
its Nigerien partner force.Brig Gen. Donald Bolduc | Syellou/AFP via Getty Images
“There is a very deliberate process when we leave the gate. It’s not
cowboy shit. We’re trying hard not to be in direct combat unless
something really bad happens to our partner force,” he said. Like other
special operations teams on more standard advisory missions, teams
working under the authority are forbidden from participating in the most
dangerous phase of a raid — when the African force actually enters the
target compound.
After planning the mission based on U.S. intelligence and getting
approval from higher headquarters, the Americans drive or fly with their
local partners to the vicinity of the target, where they are required
to hang back at “the last position of cover and concealment.” That is
the military term for the last place where they can stay out of sight
and are protected from gunfire by some sort of natural obstacle. But the
former special operations officer pointed out that in the deserts and
scrubland of northwestern Africa, “a lot of the time there really isn’t
any cover or concealment to be had.”There, the team “remotely commands and controls” the raid while
monitoring feeds from drones and aircraft that eavesdrop on enemy phone
calls. Afterward, the Americans move forward to check the raid site for
intelligence — or, if something goes wrong during the raid and the
African troops need help, they might move forward and join the shooting.
That happens rarely.
“Everybody operates under the same guidelines as far as risk and
self-defense and rules of engagement,” whether on a surrogate program
mission or a more standard advisory mission, said Bolduc. “I’ve got guys
in Kenya, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, Tunisia who are doing the same kind of
things as the guys in Somalia, exposing themselves to the same kind of
danger, and not just on 127 echoes. We’ve had guys wounded in all the
types of missions that we do.”
Representative Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), who represents the area
around Fort Bragg where many Green Berets who work in Africa are based,
recently introduced legislation seeking a combat zone tax exclusion for
all troops deployed on missions under the authority. Hudson said that he
supports U.S. military activities in Africa and does not believe the
secrecy surrounding them is inappropriate.
“If you’re deployed under this combating terrorism authority, 127e,
that’s probably combat,” he said in an interview, explaining that his
constituents had described those missions to him as among the most
perilous they undertake in Africa, despite the rules mitigating the
risk.
“You have these gray lines between what are African
operations with U.S. assistance, and what are U.S. operations with
African assistance, and what risk profile we’re comfortable with” — Alice Friend, former Obama administration Pentagon official
But Bolduc said that on raids, where special operators take the enemy
by surprise and are supported by drones and spy planes, American troops
and their partners have advantages that they lack on more routine
missions.
“It’s a different kind of danger,” he said. “In some ways these
missions are less dangerous than what the team was doing in Tongo
Tongo,” a more standard patrol where militants were able to catch the
Green Berets off guard, “because you have way more assets dedicated to
these missions and control the environment more.”
Even though commanders try to keep American troops out of combat if
possible, the missions illustrate the murky nature of who is assisting
whom in Africa, said Alice Friend, a former Obama administration
Pentagon official who oversaw counterterrorism policy in northwest
Africa.
“You have these gray lines between what are African operations with
U.S. assistance, and what are U.S. operations with African assistance,
and what risk profile we’re comfortable with,” she said. “At what point
is it actually a U.S. operation? It’s ambiguous.”
The annual funding for the programs has quadrupled since their
inception in Afghanistan, to $100 million — in part thanks to the
glowing testimony generals and admirals have given to Congress. Congress
has reauthorized the temporary authority every year until last year,
when lawmakers made it permanent.
“Congress has seen it as being useful enough to make it a permanent
authority,” said Linda Robinson, a Rand Corp. expert on special
operations, who noted that even the quadrupled annual funding is still a
small sum compared with what the United States spends combating
terrorism in full-scale war theaters like Iraq and Afghanistan.
That point has featured heavily in top commanders’ pitches to
lawmakers about the programs. Gen. Joseph Votel, who commands U.S.
forces in the Middle East — where the programs are also active — and
previously oversaw the programs at Special Operations Command, described
the programs to Congress as “low-cost, small-footprint, [and]
discreet.” He noted that they had led to “hundreds of successful
tactical operations … at a fraction of the cost of other programs.”“Most of these individual programs are $7 [million] to $10 million a
year or less. They’re not very expensive,” said the former White House
official.
The number of African countries hosting the programs has fluctuated
over the years. In 2013, in a development reported at the time by Fox
News, a Green Beret team had to end its mission in Libya after militants
attacked the partner unit’s camp and stole many of the weapons that the U.S. special operators had supplied under the program.Gen. Joseph Votel | Win McNamee/Getty Images
That program was never reestablished, so in Libya, the U.S. military
has since relied on airstrikes and raids by a more secret category of
American commandos from Delta Force and SEAL Team 6 — without local
partners. Such sensitive, risky missions that put Americans directly in
harm’s way are what the programs are supposed to provide an alternative
to, as Gen. Thomas Waldhauser, who heads Africa Command, suggested when
he testified that the programs provide “high payoff with low risk to
U.S. forces.”
Other programs have ended when host countries grew uncomfortable with
the arrangement. “The partners who host these programs are concerned
about any optics that would make their citizens think the U.S. is using
them as puppets in their own countries,” Bolduc said. One such country
was Mauritania, which pulled the plug on a longstanding program.
“The host country has to understand what they signed up for, and
Mauritania was never comfortable with what they signed up for,” said
Bolduc. “It just didn’t fit how the Mauritanians saw themselves, giving
up authority over one of their units.”
Friend, the former Pentagon official who oversaw counterterrorism policy in northwest Africa, said
such disputes are sometimes unavoidable. “The idea is that they and we
both have an interest in the same set of counterterrorism missions, but
partner states facing the same threats may define their national
security priorities differently than we do,” she said.
But other African governments have embraced the programs. Already
home to one surrogate unit, the government of Niger permitted another
Green Beret team to stand up a second one, and asked only to be kept
“apprised” of the units’ operations, the former special operations
source said.
“These programs are not meant to be indefinite, and we
have to do them in such a way that the capability can eventually be
handed over to our partners once we’ve accomplished the original goal”
— Brig Gen. Donald Bolduc
“It works differently in each country,” said Michael Hoza, the former
ambassador to Cameroon, where “a handful of SEALs” are helping local
commandos hunt the organizers of a Boko Haram suicide bombing campaign.
Cameroon’s president reserved the right to approve every mission the
SEALs proposed, Hoza told POLITICO, “because he did not want any
American casualties in his country.”
Somalia is another willing host, welcoming the ability the units
bring to conduct short-notice raids against the al-Qaeda-linked
al-Shabab insurgency aboard U.S. helicopters. “All U.S. military
activities in Somalia were done with the full support of the Somali
government during my tenure,” said Steven Schwartz, the ambassador in
Mogadishu until last fall, in an interview.
At the time, according to Bolduc, SEALs ran two separate units under
the authority in Somalia. Waldhauser, the general who heads Africa
Command, testified to Congress in 2016 that one of those units was
“instrumental in recent operations to remove senior al-Shabab
leadership.”
Besides the tactical benefits, hosting one of the surrogate programs
can be a way for a government to court American support more generally.
African governments may agree to host the programs “because it makes
their units more effective and allows them to take advantage of U.S.
resources and intelligence,” said Andrew Lebovich, a visiting fellow at
the European Council on Foreign Relations who studies security in
northwest Africa. “But it’s also an easy way to cultivate closer
security ties to the U.S. and gain more U.S. support in some cases.”
Special operations forces run 21 programs worldwide under the
authority, Thomas, the military’s top special operations officer,
testified earlier this year. A few weeks earlier, the deputy assistant
secretary of defense who oversees commando missions, Owen West, told
Congress that he expects “that the need for these programs will
continue, if not grow.”Brig Gen. Donald Bolduc with Senegal’s Army General Amadou Kane | Seyllou/AFP via Getty ImagesBut people familiar with the programs say it is hard to know how
effective they really are — and that some may need to evaluated more
harshly and cut back.
Militant groups in Africa “have expanded a little, changed shape a
lot, gotten much more bold in their operations” during recent years as
U.S. special operations activity against them has become more intense,
Friend said. In response, “we simply seem to have thrown more special
operations forces at it, but without a wider strategic review.”
Bolduc, whose overall view is that the programs are “pretty darn
effective,” nonetheless acknowledged that during his time overseeing
commandos in Africa, some of the programs he inherited seemed to have
outlived their usefulness, and others were “developing capabilities that
couldn’t be sustained.” He cited Somali commandos who became reliant on
U.S. helicopter support, which they would not be able to count on once
their unit was transitioned back to normal Somali control.
“These programs are not meant to be indefinite, and we have to do
them in such a way that the capability can eventually be handed over to
our partners once we’ve accomplished the original goal,” Bolduc said.
Robinson, the Rand Corp. expert on special operations, said that
while “there is broad agreement that this authority fills a gap” to
quickly create African forces that can raid terrorist targets at U.S.
behest, “there has to come a time where you judge if a partner isn’t
committed or effective and off-ramp them. Some have been off-ramped and
perhaps more will be.”
“Once you start these things, they’re hard to turn off. Some of them
pan out, and some of them don’t,” said the former White House official.
“I don’t think Congress or SOCOM [Special Operations Command] really
hold them to account. Nobody’s put the boot on people’s necks to make
sure these programs truly are effective.”
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Rai'sul wasaarihii hore ee dalka Malaysia Najib Razak ka dib markii lagu eedeeyay in uu lusaday lacag dhan malaayiin doolar.
Qaramada Midoobay ayaa walaac ka muujisay xaaladda bina'aadanimo ee dalka Yemen.
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Hoos riix si aad u Dhageysato:-
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Marxuumka la dilay ayaa lagu magacaabi jiray C/raxmaan Muriidi Muumin, iyadoona ay toogteen illaa 2 dhalinyaro ah oo ku hubeysnaa Bastoolado.
Marxuum C/raxmaan Muriidi Muumin ayaa la sheegay in uu Waardiye ka ahaa Guri dhismo uu ka socda oo ku yaalla degmadaasi.
Waxaana la sheegay in Raggii ka dambeeyay dilkaasi ay goobta isaga baxsadeen dilka kadib.
Weli war rasmi ah kama soo bixin maamulka degmada Dharkenley oo ku aadan dilkaasi, mana jirto cid sheegatay masuuliyaddiisa.
Maalmihii dambe ayaa waxaa gudaha M/ Muqdisho ka dhacayay falal liddi ku ah ammaanka, kuwaas oo u badan dilal qorsheysan.
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Qaraxa oo ahaa nuuca Miinada dhulka lagu aaso ayaa la sheegay in uu haleelay mid ka mid ah Gaadiidka Ciidamada AMISOM, inkastoo aan la shaacin khasaaraha ka dhashay qaraxaasi.
Al Shabaab oo sheegtay masuuliyadda qaraxan ayaa barahooda Internet-ka ku baahiyay in illaa laba Gaari oo ay lahaayeen Ciidamada AMISOM ay ku gubeen qaraxaasi.
Sidoo kalena ay gaarsiyeen khasaare isugu jira dhimasho iyo dhaawac, sida ay hadalka u dhigeen.
Dhinaca kale guddoomiyaha deegaanka Shalanbood ee gobolka Shabeelaha Hoose Nuur Cismaan Raage oo la hadlay Idaacadda Shabelle ayaa faah faahin ka bixiyay qaraxaasi.
Waxaana uu tilmaamay in wax khasaare ah Ciidamada AMISOM uusan ka soo gaarin weerarkaasi.
Halkan hoose ka dhageyso Codka.
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Muqdisho ( Sh. M. Network )-Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa Xalay waxa uu Xarunta Madaxtooyada ugu sameeyay casho sharaf Guddigii Qabanqaabada Munaasabadihii 26ka Juunyo iyo 1-da Luuliyo.
Madaxweyne Farmaajo oo hadal kooban oo mahadnaq ah goobta ka jeediyay ayaa ugu horreyn uga mahadceliyay Guddiga Qabanqaabada, oo uu hormuud u ahaa Wasiirka Warfaafinta, Dhaqanka iyo Dalxiiska Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Danjire Daahir Maxamuud Geelle, sidii habsamida lahayd ee ay uga soo dhalaaleen hawlihii loo igmaday.
Dhanka kale, Madaxweynaha ayaa tilmaamay in ay jiraan shakhsiyaad Soomaaliyeed oo naftooda u huray sidii ay u ilaalin lahaayeen taariikhda umadda Soomaaliyeed kuwaas oo mudan in mar walba la xuso si jiilka dambe ay u helaan dad ay kaga daydaan waddaniyadda iyo dal jacaylka.
Madaxweynaha ayaa xusay saddex sarkaal oo ka tirsan Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed kuwaas oo badbaadiyay dukumintiyadii yaallay Xarumihii Dowladda ee ay ka tirsanaayeen, wuxuuna ku sifeeyay saraakiishan in ay tusaale nool u yihiin waddaniyiin badan oo dhiig iyo dhaqaale usoo huray badbaadinta dalka.
Saraakiishan oo kala ah G/ Sare Jaamac Cilmi (Timir) oo badbaadiyay kaydka Xarunta Taliska Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed, G/ Sare Abshir Xaashi Cali oo gacanta ku hayay kaydka heesaha ee Radio Muqdisho iyo Dhamme Cabdi Maxamed Samatar (Cabdi Dheere) oo isna ilaaliyay dukumintiyadii muhiimka ahaa ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ayaa Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda waxa uu dallacsiiyay min hal darajo.
“Saddexdan sarkaal waxa ay qabteen in ay xafidaan taariikhda Soomaaliya oo ay ilaaliyaan sharafka iyo qarannimada Soomaaliyeed, xitaa in ay naftooda u huraan. Waa mahadsanyihiin, mana idin ilaawi doonno, qarankuna waa idiin abaal gudi doonaa.” Ayuu yiri Madaxweyne Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo.
Cashadan mahadnaqa ah ee uu Madaxweynuhu u sameeyay Guddigii Qaban-qaabada maalmaha xorriyadda waxaa kasoo qeybgalay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Cali Khayre, Wasiiro ka tirsan Xukuumadda, Guddoomiyaha Gobolka Banaadir ahna Duqa Muqdisho Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Cumar Cismaan Yariisow, xubnaha Guddiga Qabanqaabada, Saraakiil ka tirsan Ciidamada Qalabka sida, Hobollada Waaberi iyo Horseed iyo marti sharaf kale.
Halkan hoose ka daawo Sawirrada:-
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The post Sawirro:-Madaxweynaha JFS oo Casho Sharaf u Sameeyay Guddigii Qabanqaabada Toddobaadka Xorriyadda appeared first on Shabelle.
